Unlock the publisher’s digest free
Roula Khalaf, editor -in -chief of the FT, selects her favorite stories in this weekly newsletter.
The writer is a professor of politics at Queen Mary University in London
Since the Labor Party entered the government for the first time in 1924, a total of 13 of the party deputies were chief Whip of the Government. Few had an easy period. The relationship between the forehead and the background of the work was a perpetual problem for the party-with the reform of well-being a regular apple, then as now. The rise of this week’s government on the reductions in disability benefits is even more evidence that parliament becomes more and more difficult to manage for the Prime Ministers.
Well-being caused both the first major rebellion of the Blair era, on parents alone, and the greatest revolt in the 1997 parliament, when 67 deputies challenged the crowds of incapacity. There have also been important rebellions regarding the reforms of advantages against James Callaghan, Harold Wilson, Clement Attlee and Ramsay Macdonald.
Only one day in 1931 during the second Macdonald government, workers’ work deputies voted against government unemployment measures in 32 consecutive divisions – the greatest number of consecutive rebellions that take place in one day in any government of labor before or since.
In 1924, the first Labor government saw nearly four out of 10 members of the Parliamentary Party rebelled on unemployment; In proportion, this remains the largest rebellion ever rebellion by work departures, larger (in percentage) even as the 2003 revolt on Iraq – when a third rebelled.
Thus, the former work chies would include the difficulties of Sir Alan Campbell to manage the threatened rebellion of the last days – although they can always be surprised by certain details.
It is not particularly the scale that is unusual here – more than 120 labor deputies. So large rebellions have become more and more a reality. Blair Iraq Rebels was numbered by 139, Theresa May was challenged by 118 conservatives on Brexit (once again, as a percentage of the parliamentary party, it was even greater than the rebellion in Iraq). John Major, David Cameron and Boris Johnson have all undergone revolts over 90 years old.
However, such distrust so early in a post of Prime Minister is extremely unusual. The largest post-war rebellion during the first year of a government occurred in 1975 when 91 Labor deputies voted against an increase in funds for the royal house. But it is really the aberrant value.
The current difficulties of Keir Starmer are partly the result of how the question has been dealt with, but they also reveal a change in the psychology of deputies, who, in general, become more independent and ready to start against bites.
We could have expected that it is a relatively coherent labor consumption and acquiescence (many new deputies, elected last year after a long period of opposition). But many are also well aware of the uncertain political soil under their feet; Many fear that they are only there for a quarter and are not all convinced that they are led by political geniuses. Many want to trace a line in the sand, after a year of biting their tongue repeatedly.
The method that the rebels, some of which have known, have experienced higher committee chairs, chose – a reasoned amendment to second reading was a tactic that threatened to kill the whole bill – a big problem. It took Blair until the second mandate before there were important second reading revolts. The most important rebellions of labor at this stage consisted of 72 deputies, a file jointly held by the Higher Education Bill (2004), which significantly increased the level of tuition fees, and the National Bill (1947) introducing conscription in peacetime.
To understand how unusual it is to have discussed the potential loss of a government bill this week, you only need to consider that since 1900, there has only been once when a government with a safe majority in the municipalities has lost a bill in its entirety to its second reading.
In 1986, the conservative government of Margaret Thatcher fell to defeat for an attempt condemned to liberalize the hours of negotiation on Sunday. In the greatest rebellion of his time, some 72 conservative deputies challenged their whips, others abstain.
This debacle has become deeply entered in that of Thatcher’s second mandate – at that time, the dissatisfaction of the great -ban was built for some time – and on a question that was not at the heart of the government’s program. In response to defeat, the government raised the shoulders and moved; Thatcher has made no other attempt to solve the problem. Starmer’s difficulties are less than one year – and a much more important policy.
Government retirement makes the vote next week less exciting. But that will also have shown Labor deputies that they do not need to be passers -by in the political process. Like Arnold Schwarzenegger, they will be back.
